Europe’s Wake-Up Call: A New Era Of Defense In The Age Of Trump

 

It was a televised ambush that many in Europe hope will stop a war.

Donald Trump’s public rebuke of Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky at the White House sent shockwaves through the transatlantic alliance, shattering lingering illusions in Europe about America’s commitment to countering Russian aggression.

Reeling, perhaps even fearful, Europe may have finally come to its senses regarding its self-defense needs in the Trump era.

“It is as if Roosevelt welcomed Churchill to the White House and started bullying him,” European lawmaker Raphaël Glucksmann remarked.

In a month when U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth called Europe “PATHETIC” for “freeloading” on defense in a group chat with administration officials (which inadvertently included a journalist), the continent has been rapidly shedding long-held taboos on military policy. Ideas that were unthinkable just weeks ago are now on the table.

Germany’s Dramatic Shift

The biggest transformation occurred in Germany, Europe’s largest economy. Following the federal election, chancellor-in-waiting Friedrich Merz won a parliamentary vote to scrap Germany’s constitutional “debt brake,” a rule limiting government borrowing.

This change paves the way for potentially unlimited spending on defense and security. Experts predict it could unlock as much as €600 billion ($652 billion) over the next decade.

“This is a game-changer in Europe because Germany was the laggard – especially among the big countries – when it comes to defense,” said Piotr Buras, a senior fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations.

While the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine jolted Germany, Buras argued that “only the Trump shock made them take this really fundamental decision of suspending the debt brake.”

“This is the real, proper Zeitenwende [turning point].”

Breaking Old Taboos

Across Europe, deeply entrenched military policies are being reconsidered. French President Emmanuel Macron, long an advocate for European strategic autonomy, is now contemplating extending France’s nuclear deterrence to allies.

Merz has suggested discussions with France and the United Kingdom—Europe’s two nuclear powers—about extending their nuclear protection. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk welcomed the idea and even suggested Poland should consider acquiring nuclear weapons itself.

Meanwhile, Poland and the Baltic states—Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia—have withdrawn from the 1997 Ottawa Treaty on landmines, a landmark arms control agreement. Lithuania has already announced the purchase of 85,000 landmines, and Poland is considering producing one million domestically. Lithuania also became the first country to withdraw from the international treaty banning cluster munitions.

Compulsory military service is also making a comeback. Denmark has made women eligible for conscription starting in 2026 and lowered health requirements for military roles. Poland has announced plans for mandatory military training for all adult males.

Even traditionally neutral nations are reconsidering their stances. Ireland, which has historically focused on peacekeeping, has proposed legislation allowing troop deployments without UN approval, bypassing potential Russian or U.S. vetoes.

Rethinking European Defense Independence

For years, Europe’s security rested on the assumption that the U.S. cavalry would always come to the rescue. That assumption is now in question.

This shift extends beyond military readiness to procurement strategies. Some European countries are reconsidering purchases of the expensive U.S.-made F-35 fighter jets.

Portuguese Defense Minister Nuno Melo stated that Portugal is re-evaluating its expected jet purchases, favoring European alternatives over concerns about U.S.-controlled spare parts and maintenance.

This marks the first time such concerns have been openly expressed at such a high level, even in favor of aircraft that, on paper, may not match the capabilities of the F-35.

A Fragmented But Determined Continent

Despite Europe’s newfound urgency, unity remains elusive.

When European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed the “ReArm Europe” initiative to increase defense spending, Spain and Italy resisted. The plan was subsequently rebranded as “Readiness 2030.”

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has ruled out sending Italian troops to Ukraine as part of a European peacekeeping mission, highlighting divisions over military engagement.

Spain’s Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez has downplayed the Russian threat, arguing that Spain faces different challenges from those on Europe’s eastern flank. This stance frustrated leaders in Eastern Europe, including former Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis, who warned that failing to prepare for Russian aggression could have dire consequences.

Buras, of the European Council on Foreign Relations, cautions that expecting complete European unity is unrealistic.

“What really matters is what the key countries do,” he said, pointing to Germany, France, the UK, and Poland. “I want to be cautiously optimistic, but I think we are on the right track now.”

Asked whether this moment would be remembered as the turning point for European defense, Buras replied: “Yes, we have woken up—but now we need to get dressed.”